You can click on the individual pictures to enlarge the flyer :)
Saturday, March 17, 2012
Matthew Zonis - Bamboozle
Table of Contents
Section 1: Mzungu by Mzungu
The Mzungu Lives……………………………………………………………………3
Song of the Weaverbirds……………………………………………………………...4
The 9th Wonder of the Consumerist World…………………………………………..5
Section 2: From Under the Hot Tinned Rood
Fuck the Box………………………………………………………………………….7
If I Had a Penis……………………………………………………………………….8
Between Sewer Rats and Suits……………………………………………………….9
Section 3: Bridging the Chasm
Perspective Pt. 1……………………………………………………………………..10
Perspective Pt.2 ……………………………………………………………………..12
The Devil in Guise…………………………………………………………………..13
The Illusive Man.......................................................................................................14
Introducing Our Final Projects
Herrooowwww!
Long time no speak. So this Friday we presented our final projects and several of us (including yours truly) did creative projects. This post is going to summarize all of the projects and the following posts will consist of their actual projects that you can comment on and enjoy :) So, Twende!
First, we have Brianna Kelley or best known as BeeKay, BK, or Beaky.
Long time no speak. So this Friday we presented our final projects and several of us (including yours truly) did creative projects. This post is going to summarize all of the projects and the following posts will consist of their actual projects that you can comment on and enjoy :) So, Twende!
First, we have Brianna Kelley or best known as BeeKay, BK, or Beaky.
She is an SOC sophomore at AU, involved in the Rugby team, and uh... what else? Anyway the theme of her research is to explore the romantic relationship and through that project she found the nature of abusive relationship in Kenya that is protrected by the culture. For her final project she made a very satirical guidebook for dummy about "How to Beat Up Your Girlfriend/Wife" You are going to laugh and feel really sad about this topic because let's face it, a lot of countries face similar issue. So, drop some love on her project. She would LOVE to hear your feedback.
Second, we got Matthew Zonis or Matt.
Matt is an International Studies with a focus on environmental politics in SIS, he's in TKE, and generally pretty chill. He made a poetry anthology called "Bamboozle." The anthology is very different in a way that it explores Nairobi from both the point of view of a Mzungu and Kenyan. Some of the titles are a bit.. different. So read with an open mind and leave comments on his anthology!
Third, I would like to introduce Brianna Musselman, or Bri.
She observed the impact of slum tourism on the community development. In order to capture what actually happenned during slum tourism and how little impact it has, she made a very sarcastic flyer about her imaginary slum tourism business.
So I am going to keep updating this as more projects coming in from my friends!
Tuesday, March 13, 2012
Happy Birthday Tania Smith!!!
Hellowwww!
So I figure since I have been blogging sparingly I will have a filler post today. So Tania, one of the girl in our program, turned 21 yesterday. We went to celebrate her birthday from March 11 with dinner at Mercury and just stay up so we can say happy birthday at 12 am.
Then yesterday, SiNae, Tania, and I went to Sankara for a "spa day" and I got to say it was pretty fantastic. The other reason why I went to lunch and spa day with Tania is so the others will have time to prepare her surprise birthday dinner and so I can sneak out and buy her birthday cake.
We had tacos and stuff for dinner and turned off the light when SiNae told us that she was downstairs. Tania was very surprised and well I didn't realize that I had bought the trick candle so we spent a while blowing all of those candles. Overall, we had a really amazing birthday celebration and the bday girl seemed really happy. So, success!!! :):)
So I figure since I have been blogging sparingly I will have a filler post today. So Tania, one of the girl in our program, turned 21 yesterday. We went to celebrate her birthday from March 11 with dinner at Mercury and just stay up so we can say happy birthday at 12 am.
Then yesterday, SiNae, Tania, and I went to Sankara for a "spa day" and I got to say it was pretty fantastic. The other reason why I went to lunch and spa day with Tania is so the others will have time to prepare her surprise birthday dinner and so I can sneak out and buy her birthday cake.
 |
| The view of Westie from Sankara |
Fortunately, Tania finished waaay later than me so I had time to run to Uchumi and grab some candles and other stuff we need for Tania's surprise party. I could not find one of those number candles so I decided to buy enough candle to make the number 21.
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| I think Eliza and I did a pretty good job. |
Monday, March 5, 2012
Home is....
So my definition of home has been turned upside down this week. As I am writing this, I can say for sure that a piece of my heart will always be with Ukambani. I started my week of self discovery at Nyumbani Village for 3 days and 2 nights. Getting my feet wet, preparing myself for the following 5 nights and 6 days with Mr. Mutisya Kaema's family. And let me tell you, that compound is huuuge. I learned that Kamba families structure their house differently. They have a building for what usually is a room in a normal house (a building for kitchen, a building for toilet, separate buildings for each children, etc). I would love to post pictures but my blog is being stupid so just check it out from my facebook.
The time I spent there with Mr. Kaema's family was fantastic. Not only I get to do my research and help out with the household job but I also had a lot of time to think (sometimes while I'm running errands). I found myself in the middle of row of maize. It was a flood of thoughts, multiple clarifying moments, and most importantly I felt accepted. I felt like I was home. The family is really nice, they even joked (and seriously) said that they will give me a piece of land as a graduation present so I will come back. These people love me and made me feel like I can live there for a while. That I will always have a place to come back too.
Also, there was a... culture clash during my week there. My first day with Mr. Kaema’s family is also the first time I went to the clan’s meeting, we sat on an open circle of some sort. Three men are sitting with their back to the wall, 4 women (including me) are completing the circle, and the other women are sitting behind my row. I was sitting in the place of honor, right next to Patrice, whose daughter is the one that is getting married, and in the first row of the women. So when I came over again on Friday to celebrate the dowry agreement and help prepare the house to welcome the future groom’s family, I immediately went to the circle of females and greet them. I can see the males already made their own circle near the slaughtered bull where they are grilling chicken and some meat. Patrice, who usually helped me navigate cultural events or activities, was no where in sight and I decided to sit with the women. I had just pulled a chair to join the circle when everybody in the compound screamed at me. I do not speak Kikamba at all and no one seemed to be yelling instruction to me in Kiswahili so I stood awkwardly outside of the circle of female until one of them kindly ushered me to sit with the male. Not only did I sit with the male, but they made me sit with the elder and let me choose the first meat pieces to eat.
It was quite uncomfortable for me at first, as many of the younger girls were staring and pointing at me. I figured they were asking their mothers why they were not allowed to sit with the male like me. My first instinct was to stand up and to help with the lawn preparation. However, one of the elder grabbed my arm and told me to sit down and enjoy the food. I tried to help with the grilling process so I would have a legitimate reason for sitting with the men but they laughed and said it is not a woman’s job. At the sight of them giving the women smaller portion of the grilled meat, I wanted to insist that they put an equal amount but I know they will be offended. Looking back, I realized that my reaction was inappropriate as I might have offended both the males and the females by refusing to sit amongst the men.
After all of the confusion and five kilos of meat they made me eat, I seek my (much older) host brother Fred to get some answer. I explained the situation and my confusion to Fred while he patiently listened and helped his children with homeworks at the same time. It turned out that no one was upset at me for sitting with the female and I just did not understand the power structure of Kamba culture (I will refrain from making generalization of Kenyan culture since I have not visited other regions). While I observed that my food is always served first at the Kaema household, I had assumed that it was simply hospitality to guest. According to Fred, that was not the case. If I had been a female Kenyan guest, I would have been seated with the female but still served first amongst the female. The main reason why they insisted that I sat with the men was because I am a mzungu. The power structure goes like this: Mzungu male, mzungu female, adult male, adult female, and finally the children.
Fred explained that, if it was just a normal dinner, all of the guests would have received the food first then the male of the family, the elder female, the children, and the person who cooked the dinner. But dowry celebration is quite a ‘formal’ event where the power structure need to be honored and followed. The problem is, according to Fred, some people are still very fascinated by foreigners to the point that they are almost scared that anything that they do will be categorized as rude. I laughed at this as I told Fred that I have been so scared to offend anyone to the extent that I tried to get more work and errands to run. I mean, you cannot really offend the maize and the livestocks.
While it made me feel honored that they want to make sure that I feel welcomed and well taken care of, I realized that I reacted emotionally to the division of seating and food. Culturally, male will be served the bigger portion of the nyama choma because they are the one who prepare it. By sitting within the male circle, the wazungu will get their pick of the fattest (or leanest, depend on your preference) meat and bigger portion than if they sit with the female. In my family, we never specifically separated the family members by gender. We do separate by age/generation, but everybody received an equal share of food. With my (host) family in Texas, everybody just piled in the living room or the deck and mingle with everybody. In both families, the only priority we give is to the over 50 folks.
I was just greatly disappointed that gender still matters in some area, except if you are a mzungu. While culturally my ethnic group values male higher than female, in the current days no one ever treated the two genders differently. I think what really made this a big deal for me was the false sense of familiarity I experienced when I first arrived in Katangi (or Kenya in general). I was lulled by the similarities in culture and was not asking more questions to figure out the difference in the two cultures.
But anywayyyy.... at the party I got interviewed by the female elders while they take turns on making a basket/bag. At the end of the party before I leave to our own compound, two of the women slapped my shoulder and stared intently at me while saying "You're family now." I mean.. how could you not feel loved? The following day I saw a woman talking to Patrice while finishing the bag from last night. Patrice asked me if I like the style and I said "Yeah!" She told me that each of the female members of the clan contributed on the creation of that bag because they want me to feel their blessing whenever I wear that bag. Patrice went on to talk about how nice and well adjusted I am. That I am poised and smart and all of these nice things you can say to make a person feel loved and touched.
Katangi will always be my home and no matter how far I go, I will always remember my time there and how much it had clarify my mind.
The time I spent there with Mr. Kaema's family was fantastic. Not only I get to do my research and help out with the household job but I also had a lot of time to think (sometimes while I'm running errands). I found myself in the middle of row of maize. It was a flood of thoughts, multiple clarifying moments, and most importantly I felt accepted. I felt like I was home. The family is really nice, they even joked (and seriously) said that they will give me a piece of land as a graduation present so I will come back. These people love me and made me feel like I can live there for a while. That I will always have a place to come back too.
Also, there was a... culture clash during my week there. My first day with Mr. Kaema’s family is also the first time I went to the clan’s meeting, we sat on an open circle of some sort. Three men are sitting with their back to the wall, 4 women (including me) are completing the circle, and the other women are sitting behind my row. I was sitting in the place of honor, right next to Patrice, whose daughter is the one that is getting married, and in the first row of the women. So when I came over again on Friday to celebrate the dowry agreement and help prepare the house to welcome the future groom’s family, I immediately went to the circle of females and greet them. I can see the males already made their own circle near the slaughtered bull where they are grilling chicken and some meat. Patrice, who usually helped me navigate cultural events or activities, was no where in sight and I decided to sit with the women. I had just pulled a chair to join the circle when everybody in the compound screamed at me. I do not speak Kikamba at all and no one seemed to be yelling instruction to me in Kiswahili so I stood awkwardly outside of the circle of female until one of them kindly ushered me to sit with the male. Not only did I sit with the male, but they made me sit with the elder and let me choose the first meat pieces to eat.
It was quite uncomfortable for me at first, as many of the younger girls were staring and pointing at me. I figured they were asking their mothers why they were not allowed to sit with the male like me. My first instinct was to stand up and to help with the lawn preparation. However, one of the elder grabbed my arm and told me to sit down and enjoy the food. I tried to help with the grilling process so I would have a legitimate reason for sitting with the men but they laughed and said it is not a woman’s job. At the sight of them giving the women smaller portion of the grilled meat, I wanted to insist that they put an equal amount but I know they will be offended. Looking back, I realized that my reaction was inappropriate as I might have offended both the males and the females by refusing to sit amongst the men.
After all of the confusion and five kilos of meat they made me eat, I seek my (much older) host brother Fred to get some answer. I explained the situation and my confusion to Fred while he patiently listened and helped his children with homeworks at the same time. It turned out that no one was upset at me for sitting with the female and I just did not understand the power structure of Kamba culture (I will refrain from making generalization of Kenyan culture since I have not visited other regions). While I observed that my food is always served first at the Kaema household, I had assumed that it was simply hospitality to guest. According to Fred, that was not the case. If I had been a female Kenyan guest, I would have been seated with the female but still served first amongst the female. The main reason why they insisted that I sat with the men was because I am a mzungu. The power structure goes like this: Mzungu male, mzungu female, adult male, adult female, and finally the children.
Fred explained that, if it was just a normal dinner, all of the guests would have received the food first then the male of the family, the elder female, the children, and the person who cooked the dinner. But dowry celebration is quite a ‘formal’ event where the power structure need to be honored and followed. The problem is, according to Fred, some people are still very fascinated by foreigners to the point that they are almost scared that anything that they do will be categorized as rude. I laughed at this as I told Fred that I have been so scared to offend anyone to the extent that I tried to get more work and errands to run. I mean, you cannot really offend the maize and the livestocks.
While it made me feel honored that they want to make sure that I feel welcomed and well taken care of, I realized that I reacted emotionally to the division of seating and food. Culturally, male will be served the bigger portion of the nyama choma because they are the one who prepare it. By sitting within the male circle, the wazungu will get their pick of the fattest (or leanest, depend on your preference) meat and bigger portion than if they sit with the female. In my family, we never specifically separated the family members by gender. We do separate by age/generation, but everybody received an equal share of food. With my (host) family in Texas, everybody just piled in the living room or the deck and mingle with everybody. In both families, the only priority we give is to the over 50 folks.
I was just greatly disappointed that gender still matters in some area, except if you are a mzungu. While culturally my ethnic group values male higher than female, in the current days no one ever treated the two genders differently. I think what really made this a big deal for me was the false sense of familiarity I experienced when I first arrived in Katangi (or Kenya in general). I was lulled by the similarities in culture and was not asking more questions to figure out the difference in the two cultures.
But anywayyyy.... at the party I got interviewed by the female elders while they take turns on making a basket/bag. At the end of the party before I leave to our own compound, two of the women slapped my shoulder and stared intently at me while saying "You're family now." I mean.. how could you not feel loved? The following day I saw a woman talking to Patrice while finishing the bag from last night. Patrice asked me if I like the style and I said "Yeah!" She told me that each of the female members of the clan contributed on the creation of that bag because they want me to feel their blessing whenever I wear that bag. Patrice went on to talk about how nice and well adjusted I am. That I am poised and smart and all of these nice things you can say to make a person feel loved and touched.
Katangi will always be my home and no matter how far I go, I will always remember my time there and how much it had clarify my mind.
Wednesday, February 15, 2012
Best Valentine's Day Ever!
I freaking love everybody in this program!!!!!
So for Valentine's Day yesterday, I woke up to Bri's cheesecake cupcake and cute flower thingy.
So for Valentine's Day yesterday, I woke up to Bri's cheesecake cupcake and cute flower thingy.
I really love Bri right now. She also left us some secret admirers haiku!! Then I got dressed and recorded my valentine's day video for Kenya (it was cute and adorable, okay?) I dressed cute and adorably because I promised Emily that I will take her on a date. It was Terrific Tuesday at Pizza Inn, I stay classy on dates hahaha. I love my triple date with Ashley, BK, Randi, and SiNae.
We were joined by Alec later on and he bought flower for all of the girls in the program. Awesomeness!!! Afterwards, SiNae, Randi, and I went to Sarit Center to see that movie with Rachel McAdams and Channing Tatum. Tania joined us later and we had a really amazing time at the moview.
Then we played cards all night and hang out. Adam sent me a poem and well you know, it was a nice poem. But overall it was an awesome valentine's day in Kenya. Kenya is full of love!
Monday, February 13, 2012
Pack Lightly..
My parents always tell me before we travel to pack lightly. You do not want to be dragging a heavy suitcase around with you. You should leave some room for souvenirs. Over the years, this saying has become some sort of a mantra for me and it definitely pays off. Looking at all of the things I bought here, I am really glad that I decided to pack lightly so there is room in my suitcase. For me, it is so much easier to pack lightly on physical things. Not so with other things.
I did pack lightly, physically and emotionally, for this adventure. I left all of my emotional baggage behind, I tied up all of the loose ends, I was excited for my new adventure because the point of this trip is to experience new things, to enjoy this once in a lifetime chance, to leave everything behind. Or so I thought.
It is both a good thing and a bad thing to move around a lot. I learned to adapt quickly, how to settle in and create "home," and I also learned how to detach myself from people.But it does not always work that way. No matter how hard you plan your suitcase, there will always be a thing or two that you get attached to. No matter how stupid it is, you will make room for it, you will want to take it with you wherever you go.
It is difficult, no matter how nonchalant you try to make yourself appear to other people. Drama happens "at home," even when you are away and it is so much more difficult to deal with it when you are not even in the same city. It is harder to clarify what you mean and sometimes people won't believe you. Intonation matters, a lot. Words... are delicate and without the proper intonation people might interpret you differently.
I don't know. I tried to pack lightly but I guess it didn't work out the way I wanted it to. Sorry for this somber post. On a lighter note, I had a very successful market day last Saturday. Got a lot of stuff for super cheap. Really happy that I got 3 button up shirts for ksh 530. So, y'all should look forward to heaps of gifts and souvenirs when I'm back.
See ya later!
I did pack lightly, physically and emotionally, for this adventure. I left all of my emotional baggage behind, I tied up all of the loose ends, I was excited for my new adventure because the point of this trip is to experience new things, to enjoy this once in a lifetime chance, to leave everything behind. Or so I thought.
It is both a good thing and a bad thing to move around a lot. I learned to adapt quickly, how to settle in and create "home," and I also learned how to detach myself from people.But it does not always work that way. No matter how hard you plan your suitcase, there will always be a thing or two that you get attached to. No matter how stupid it is, you will make room for it, you will want to take it with you wherever you go.
It is difficult, no matter how nonchalant you try to make yourself appear to other people. Drama happens "at home," even when you are away and it is so much more difficult to deal with it when you are not even in the same city. It is harder to clarify what you mean and sometimes people won't believe you. Intonation matters, a lot. Words... are delicate and without the proper intonation people might interpret you differently.
I don't know. I tried to pack lightly but I guess it didn't work out the way I wanted it to. Sorry for this somber post. On a lighter note, I had a very successful market day last Saturday. Got a lot of stuff for super cheap. Really happy that I got 3 button up shirts for ksh 530. So, y'all should look forward to heaps of gifts and souvenirs when I'm back.
See ya later!
Friday, February 10, 2012
Black.. or White?
Hellow hellow!!!!
So sorry that I haven't been posting in a while. The internet here is very very stupid. I mean, yes I can connect to the internet almost every day but it is very difficult to access a website. It takes more than 15 minutes just to open Facebook. I can access Kenyan websites almost instantly though.
I just got back from Eastern Garden with SiNae. It is this Chinese restaurant located in Liza Apartment, about one block from where our apartment is. We are super stuffed but she bought red velvet cake from Dorman's earlier so we decided to end this looong looong day with dessert and tea. Talking about tea, I feel that the hardest transition for me here is the way people serve their tea. I love drinking tea. I think that both tea and coffee are my favorite drinks of all time. I also like to drink both of them straight, no sugar, no milk, maybe a bit of honey sometimes, or a hint of cinnamon/nutmeg. Don't get me wrong, I like having flavor in my tea, which is why I always buy flavored tea (rose tea, almond black tea, cherry rooibos, you know.. stuff) on top of my regular tea.
It came as a big shock to me when I realize people here loooooovvvvvee their chai (swahili/indian word for tea) with milk and sugar. Actually, drinking tea with milk and sugar is a symbol of status. If you ask for tea, they will automatically give you chai the way it was meant to. If you ask, "Nipe chai bila maziwa na bila sukari," they will think that you are dirt poor and can't afford to pay for sugar nor milk. Also, it is the first thing that people offer you when they invite you to their home. When they ask "would you like some tea?" it's not actually a question, more like a statement and your answer better be "yes." You also don't ask what's in the snack they give you nor refuse whatever they are serving you. It is rude. The best thing you do is nod, finish whatever snack they give you, then you can refuse the second offering. For the last 38 days I've ate sooo many breads and milk teas that I swear I might start serving people that when they visit my place.
From that experience, I always assume that restaurants work the same way as Kenyan households (except Java House, cause they know what foreigners like). So everytime I order Masala Chai or any Chai in general, they always ask me if I want it black or white. You would automatically assume that the waiter is asking for the kind of tea leaves you want. I always choose white tea since it is usually lighter than black tea. Until one day at Amani ya Juu, I decided to order my tea black since well... I get kinda suspicious that they are not asking for the type of tea leaves. I mean, who makes Masala Chai from white tea anyway, right? (Well.. okay this is Kenya. They might do things differently). So, guess what the waitress put in front of me? A tea pot full of chai without milk... So, yeah, I still got this whole culture thing to figure out. Glad to know how to actually order my tea the way I want it though.
Other than the whole culture thing that I am obviously still not a pro at, I really enjoy my time here. I love my routine, it's exhausting but it's very rewarding. I love my job, I love the role that I serve for my organization. I love knowing that this project I am working on will impact a lot of people for a long time. Guess that's why they call it sustainable development, right? :) Anyway, I gotta go back to fixing my Valentine's Day gift for Hoover. See y'all later.
xoxo
So sorry that I haven't been posting in a while. The internet here is very very stupid. I mean, yes I can connect to the internet almost every day but it is very difficult to access a website. It takes more than 15 minutes just to open Facebook. I can access Kenyan websites almost instantly though.
I just got back from Eastern Garden with SiNae. It is this Chinese restaurant located in Liza Apartment, about one block from where our apartment is. We are super stuffed but she bought red velvet cake from Dorman's earlier so we decided to end this looong looong day with dessert and tea. Talking about tea, I feel that the hardest transition for me here is the way people serve their tea. I love drinking tea. I think that both tea and coffee are my favorite drinks of all time. I also like to drink both of them straight, no sugar, no milk, maybe a bit of honey sometimes, or a hint of cinnamon/nutmeg. Don't get me wrong, I like having flavor in my tea, which is why I always buy flavored tea (rose tea, almond black tea, cherry rooibos, you know.. stuff) on top of my regular tea.
It came as a big shock to me when I realize people here loooooovvvvvee their chai (swahili/indian word for tea) with milk and sugar. Actually, drinking tea with milk and sugar is a symbol of status. If you ask for tea, they will automatically give you chai the way it was meant to. If you ask, "Nipe chai bila maziwa na bila sukari," they will think that you are dirt poor and can't afford to pay for sugar nor milk. Also, it is the first thing that people offer you when they invite you to their home. When they ask "would you like some tea?" it's not actually a question, more like a statement and your answer better be "yes." You also don't ask what's in the snack they give you nor refuse whatever they are serving you. It is rude. The best thing you do is nod, finish whatever snack they give you, then you can refuse the second offering. For the last 38 days I've ate sooo many breads and milk teas that I swear I might start serving people that when they visit my place.
From that experience, I always assume that restaurants work the same way as Kenyan households (except Java House, cause they know what foreigners like). So everytime I order Masala Chai or any Chai in general, they always ask me if I want it black or white. You would automatically assume that the waiter is asking for the kind of tea leaves you want. I always choose white tea since it is usually lighter than black tea. Until one day at Amani ya Juu, I decided to order my tea black since well... I get kinda suspicious that they are not asking for the type of tea leaves. I mean, who makes Masala Chai from white tea anyway, right? (Well.. okay this is Kenya. They might do things differently). So, guess what the waitress put in front of me? A tea pot full of chai without milk... So, yeah, I still got this whole culture thing to figure out. Glad to know how to actually order my tea the way I want it though.
Other than the whole culture thing that I am obviously still not a pro at, I really enjoy my time here. I love my routine, it's exhausting but it's very rewarding. I love my job, I love the role that I serve for my organization. I love knowing that this project I am working on will impact a lot of people for a long time. Guess that's why they call it sustainable development, right? :) Anyway, I gotta go back to fixing my Valentine's Day gift for Hoover. See y'all later.
xoxo
Tuesday, February 7, 2012
Sooo... I Found This Today
Conflict Assessment: Kenyan Election Crisis
Introduction:
The Kenyan election crisis of 2007-2008 resulted in 1,500 dead, 3,000 raped, and 300,000 internally displaced (Roberts, 2). What began as a cry against fraudulent elections and corrupt executive power quickly became a battle based on ethnic identity and economic desperation. By using Wehr’s model for conflict assessment, we hope to address the key players, relationships, contextual issues, and underlying causes in the Kenyan election crisis. This assessment will reveal the unmet capacities that both international and domestic players had to predict and quite possibly prevent this conflict.
Parties Involved:
The parties involved in the 2007-8 crisis in Kenya can be divided into three key categories for further exploration. First is the united front of Mwai Kibaki and the Party of National Unity, which was supported by groups such as the Kikuyu ethnic tribe and the military. Second is the Orange Democratic Party, led by Raila Odinga, with support drawn in from the youth as well as the Luo and Kalenjin tribes. Lastly, we come to the international community and its efforts to engage in the conflict through stabilization and negotiation initiatives.
Domestic Community:
Before the 2007 elections, Kibaki was the incumbent president of Kenya, having been elected in 2002 as part of the National Rainbow Coalition. His presidency was faced with many challenges, such as public disapproval of the decision of legislators to give themselves raises, internal power struggles within his coalition, and difficulties drafting the new Kenyan Constitution. Interested in running for re-election in December 2007, Kibaki formed the Party of National Unity (PNU), a coalition comprised of his allies. A Kikuyu himself, many of the member parties in the PNU represented Kikuyu groups or similar ethnic communities (“Kenya”). Kibaki’s power originated from the legitimacy awarded to his political office and his control over the Kenyan military, both of which he utilized in suppressing protests once election results were released in 2007.
The Kikuyu are the largest ethnic group in Kenya, comprising twenty-two percent of the population. At the time of the election, many Kikuyu groups supported political parties with their group interests in mind and thereby combined to form the PNU (“Kenya”). As election violence progressed, many Kikuyus were forced from their communities and homes and the PNU lost much of its power. Displacement remained an unresolved problem for a year after the conflict officially ended (Wrong).
The main opponent running in opposition to Kibaki in the 2007 presidential election was Raila Odinga, a member of the Orange Democratic Movement coalition. Odinga was well-known in politics, having originally been in Kibaki’s National Rainbow Coalition and serving in Parliament for over a decade. The Orange Democratic Movement drew power from the support of a majority of Parliament. As compared to Kibaki’s PNU coalition, the Orange Democratic Movement is comprised of “parties representing nearly everyone else” (“Kenya”). Before being elected in 2002, Kibaki spoke of bringing Kenya together across ethnic lines; however, once in office, he removed all non-Kikuyus from office and formed a coalition to oppose Odinga in the 2007 elections (Zarembka). Odinga ran on a campaign to reinstate unifying initiatives, with special attention paid to the Luo tribe, of which he is a member, and the Kalenjin tribe. Both of these tribes resented the Kikuyu for their dominant economic and political roles in Kenya.
The Kalenjin were exceptionally strong in their opposition to the Kikuyu, so when the news broke out that Kibaki won the election, the Kalenjin became militant and forced the Kikuyu out of the Rift valley (Wrong).
International Community:
Many in the international arena were interested and concerned about the 2007 election crisis in Kenya, especially considering that Kenya’s reputation had been an exceptionally positive one since its independence (“Kenya”). The necessity of international involvement became clear when Odinga stated that any negotiation efforts would be mere “sideshow[s]” unless an international mediator was present (Kanina and Miriri). The African Union, represented by Ghanaian President John Kufuor, was involved in initial mediation efforts between the two presidential opponents. With little success met through the AU, Kofi Annan, the former UN secretary General, became the primary leader in mediation (“Kofi”). The UN and then Secretary General Ban Ki-moon expressed support for Kofi Annan’s mediations and provided humanitarian assistance while the crisis was being mediated. There was a strong belief within the international community that the post-conflict process in Kenya needed to be closely monitored until an agreement could be forged (United Nations).
Past Relationships Between Parties: 1991-2002
Following the declaration of Kenyan independence in 1963, the government structure was developed so as to house multiple parties. However, the reality was that the state was completely run by one party, the Kenyan African National Union (KANU). Through coercion and threats, the government, headed by President Jomo Kenyatta, kept all other political parties at bay. By the time of Kenyatta’s death in 1978, KANU’s hegemony was on the decline. Kenyatta was succeeded by Daniel Arap Moi, who attempted to revitalize KANU by declaring Kenya a one-party state in 1982 (Khadiagla, 67).
This declaration caused many problems and led to mass protests. In December 1991, the constitutional ban on parties was rescinded. This change was sparked by an event that took place in February 1991, when Oginga Odinga attempted to register a new political party, the National Democratic Party, but was denied. This denial led to the formation of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD). FORD was launched in July 1991 as an organization of individuals who were committed to repealing the constitutional ban on political parties (Khadiagla, 68).
In the month preceding the 1992 elections, political parties were becoming more and more ethnically defined, with KANU composed mostly of Kalenjin, and the opposition parties rallying around Kikuyu and Luo support. FORD began to fall apart as the elections drew nearer as a result of the factionalism, with leaders growing divided over different views of party politics, ethnicity, and generation (Throup and Hornsby, 94).
Two groups emerged from the fragmentation of FORD: FORD Kenya, comprised of Luo and Luyia and led by Odinga, and FORD Asili, mostly Kikuyu and led by Kenneth Matiba (Khadiagla, 69). The Democratic Party (DP), led by Mwai Kibaki also materialized at this time. To counter the emergence of opposition groups, KANU rallied minority ethnic groups in the Rift Valley by preventing Kikuyu and Luo from accessing land and resources. This led to a series of ethnic cleansings in the Rift Valley in 1991 and 1992.
Although the emergence of opposition parties mobilized voters, it also led the KANU-dominated Parliament to change election regulation to requiring a candidate to receive at least 25% of the vote in order to win (Khadiagla 70). In the 1992 elections, Moi and KANU won 36% of the vote, even though opposition parties amassed 62% of votes (Khadiagla 70). As a result of their fragmentation, they lost the election.
In the years leading up to the 1997 election, the desire for changes in the Constitution once again shook up all political parties. Raila Odinga created his own party, the National Democratic Party. The 1997 elections were characterized by the administrative chaos of the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK). Opposition allegations of rigging by the ECK on behalf of KANU dominated the post-electorate climate (Khadiagla 73). KANU won with 41% of the vote but only gained four more seats than the combined opposition in Parliament. This led to a significant shift in the opposition; Kibaki’s DP emerged as the dominant party, also replacing FORD Asili as the key party in the Kikuyu heartland. This new dynamic of politics largely set the stage for the 2002 election.
Relationship Continuum Between Parties: 2002-2007
The interaction between Mwai Kibaki’s party, Party of National Unity (PNU), and Raila Odinga’s party, Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), can be traced back to the election of 2002. Relationships between these two parties did not exist long enough for much movement to occur along the continuum of five stages. Instead, the interactions follow the stages and arrive at the conflict stage during the election of 2007.
The two parties were in the cooperation stage during the election of 2002. In order to defeat the incumbent’s party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), Kibaki’s former party, the National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), formed a coalition named the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) (Roberts). NARC encompassed all of the major Kenyan tribes and chose Kibaki to be the candidate for the presidential election. The NARC drafted a Memorandum of Understanding that provided for equal sharing of cabinet posts between LDP and NAK when Kibaki finally take office (KNCHR). The election resulted in a landslide victory for Kibaki.
After the election, the relationship between the two parties hit the competition stage. Internal conflict began to emerge within the NARC coalition due to the LDP’s assessment that the NAK, particularly President Kibaki, did not honor the MOU that both parties had signed before the 2002 elections. The LDP assessed that “the appointments favored the NAK,” especially those who were originally from “the president’s central province while neglecting other areas” (Ochieng). The disagreement over allocation of resources heated up in 2003 when President Kibaki expelled members of the Kalenjin tribe from the Mau Forest (Roberts, 11). The Kalenjin tribe was one of the major tribes that comprised the LDP, and President Kibaki’s decision to throw them out of the Mau Forest angered the entire party. Finally, the NARC coalition fell apart when Raila Odinga formed the ODM, which was largely comprised of a tribal alliance between the Kalenjin, Luhyas, and Luos. President Kibaki and the Kikuyu formed the PNU after the coalition was divided. ODM ran a ‘No’ campaign against the constitution referendum that President Kibaki tried to pass. The referendum stated that the President intended to enhance executive power and refused to address a reinforcement of legislative and judicial arms (ICG). Following the vote on the referendum, the party completely fell apart.
The two parties arrived at a heightened tension stage during the pre-election campaign when the ODM began questioning the independence of the General Elections’ Electoral Commission after President Kibaki “did not renew the tenure of Commission Chairman Samuel Kivuitu until November”(KNCHR, 26). Both parties were also running negative campaigns against one another, with the ODM portraying PNU as a party of “old men clinging onto power” that only granted power to members of the Kikuyu tribe, while the ODM was presented as “the broad-based party for progressive change”(KNCHR, 27). Both parties transformed general issues into ethnic issues. For example, corruption was advertised as a Kikuyu problem, while opposition to the Kibaki government was interpreted as a Luo agenda (KNCHR, 27). The heightened tension lasted until the election day, when allegations of marked ballots and rigged results grew and were further fanned by the live broadcast of leaders disputing the results coming in from the constituencies. The heightened tension finally turned into a conflict when the results were announced and ODM supporters began challenging the legality of the election.
Conflict Context: Individual and Group
Individual:
The individual level of this conflict can be assessed using Konrad Lorenz’s concept of militant enthusiasm. This is based on a situation where an individual has a tendency to lose his/her normal inhibitions against violence when united with others who are similarly motivated (Barash, 99). This is apparent in the ethnic and political make-up of the parties in conflict. Odinga supporters felt unified amongst their fellow Luos and Kalenjin tribesmen who were fighting against the alleged rigging of elections, lost their inhibitions regarding violent conflict, and subsequently turned their aggressions against Kibaki supporters and the Kikuyu people. The violence between the two parties launched the overall conflict to a group level. The loss of inhibitions illustrated a mob psychology, where individuals engaged in acts that they would not have done if they were acting alone (Barash, 125). A concept developed by Sigmund Freud can also be used to assess this conflict. Freudian narcissism describes the joint feeling of pain and grievance when a member of a group is attacked or hurt (Barash, 103). This can be illustrated in the Kenyan conflict between opposing ethnic and political groups whose attacks were taken personally and were transformed into a need for vengeful justice. As a result, conflict became fueled by ethnocentric motivations and spiraled out of control. Nonetheless, certain individuals sought violence outside of groups, as exemplified by the killing of MPs from opposing parties (Gettleman, 1).
Individual’s actions are largely influenced by their experiences, with most psychologists and sociologists maintaining that violence stems from responses to experiences rather than genetic instinct (Barash, 108). The history of violence surrounding political elections in Kenya played a major role in the conflict that occurred in 2007. Furthermore, these experiences have created assumptions that will inspire further violence.
Group:
At the group level of conflict, members of homogenous groups are more likely to respond to conflictual situations with hostility than groups with heterogeneous membership (Barash, 126). The group level of the Kenyan election crisis involved numerous members of ethnic and political groups communicating with one another in order to carry out organized and orchestrated violence against opposing groups.
Conflict Context: Cultural and Behavioral
Cultural:
The most vital cultural determinant in the Kenyan election crisis of 2007-2008 was the nation’s long-standing history of ethnic tension. The Kenyan population is largely split between five tribal groups: Kikuyu (22%), Luhya (14%), Luo (13%), Kalenjin (12%), and Kamba (11%) (Roberts, 6). Political parties fall under these same ethnic divisions. Historically, violence between ethnic factions stemmed primarily from land disputes. Still fostering a deep connection to land that has been unequally distributed, contemporary political groups still find themselves in conflict with one another. Tribal groups often feel as though the only way they can gain resources for themselves and those within their groups is through gaining political power.
In Kenyan culture, elders are valued above all other members of society. During the election crisis, large numbers of jobless, young men were chief instigators in violent protest. Currently, 89% of Kenya’s population is under the age of 31; however, the nation’s governmental body does not reflect this demographic (Ndungu, 120). The younger population within Kenya is suffering from an extreme intergenerational gap, with elders holding the vast majority of political power. As a result, youth feel that their voices will only be heard through violent means.
Another cultural factor that led to extreme violence during the election crisis was a tradition of disrespect toward women. Following the election crisis, hospital visits for sexual abuses increased two to three-fold. Post-conflict reports estimate that as many as 3,000 women were raped during the election crisis (Roberts, 2). Most sexual assaults took place in Kibera, the slum surrounding Nairobi, where women would be attacked while attempting to travel to or from their homes. Rape, which is commonly accepted as a tool of warfare, was often a tactic utilized against opposing ethnic groups or political parties during the election crisis (Shekhawat, 14).
Behavioral:
Long-standing frustration against governmental abuses of power fueled the violence that ensued following elections in 2007. After experiencing a series of tyrannical executives, most Kenyans believed that politicians would do virtually anything to gain power and wealth for themselves. In addition, unequal land distribution that dates back to the colonial era remains a source of frustration for many Kenyans who wish to see the government address past abuses. The election in 2007 provided a perfect window of opportunity for those who were feeling frustration against the Kenyan government to become aggressive. The election crisis erupted as quickly and intensely as it did because of the built-up frustrations of the local population.
Many Kenyans were also driven to violence because of a sense of relative deprivation. Kikuyus, who are the dominant ethnic group in Kenya, have historically felt disadvantaged in comparison to other ethnic groups. The election crisis provided the Kikuyus, as well as other ethnic groups who felt deprived, with an excuse to vent out their frustrations on opposing groups. With the gap between the poor and the rich in Kenya growing dramatically, a wider sense of relative deprivation also pervades the population (Ndungu, 113). Political elite in Kenya earn as much as four-hundred times more than the average worker (Roberts, 5). Widespread poverty is a constant source of frustration for most Kenyans, especially when officials create lavish lifestyles for themselves out of corruption.
Conflict Dynamic
Latent Conflict:
Kenyan citizens experienced years of political dissatisfaction and resentment. The previous governments of Jomo Kenyatta, Moi, and Kibaki continuously failed to comprehensively address problems plaguing certain ethnic groups (Ndunga). Successive Kenyan administrations have favored the majority Kikuyu ethnic group, both economically and politically, against smaller ethnic groups, including Luhya, Luo, Kalenjin, Kamba, Kisii and others (Cooke). Ethnicity continued to be the principal factor in political races and alliances; long-standing economic frustrations and lack of representation allowed resentment to grow in Kenyan citizens.
Conflict Emergence:
The December 27th, 2007 presidential election results ignited the violent crisis that took over Kenya. The major opponent, Raila Odinga maintained the lead in election polls throughout the week and election day, yet Mwai Kibaki was announced as the reelected winner. Just minutes after Kibaki was sworn in, violence broke out across the nation.
At the outset, violence was primarily directed against the Kikuyu, especially in the Rift Valley and Western Province. Gangs of youths blocked Kenya’s main roads and set fire to hundreds of homes of perceived ‘outsiders’. In Mathare, a slum in Nairobi, Luo gangs burned more than 100 Kikuyu homes. Violent clashes with police erupted in Odinga’s home province of Nyanza and in the densely populated slums of Nairobi. Opposers set to burn, destroy and kill the Kikuyu. There was also an alarming amount of sexual violence and rape in Nairobi’s slum areas (Abwao). The election seemed to tap into the tribal tension that always laid beneath the surface in Kenya, but until now had not provoked widespread mayhem.
Conflict Escalation:
As the weeks went by, the conflict continued to intensify following the escalation model of conflict spiral. The Kikuyu began retaliation killings, especially in the Rift Valley area. The crisis went from specific to general and from a few problems to many problems, in the span of a month. The crisis spread to effect women, tribes, the economy and most public services. More than 1,200 people were killed and around 350,000 were displaced into temporary camps. Food security was further threatened due to farmer’s moving or running away from their farms. The education and health sectors were also weakened by the large-scale displacement of professionals (Abwao).
The election seems to have tapped into an atavistic vein of tribal tension that always lay beneath the surface in Kenya but until now had not provoked widespread mayhem (Gettleman).
Stalemate:
A month in, the killings, burnings and protesting continued without a sign of ending. At this point both the parties were using maximum force to gain control. The situation would be considered both a hurting stalemate and an issue of conflict ripeness. If something did not change very soon, Kenya could completely fall apart economically, socially and politically. Countries who historically provided Kenya with aid were becoming hesitant to continue; the European Parliament threatened to freeze aid if a political solution was not found (Gettleman).
Political entrapment was very obvious, as both Kibaki and Odinga’s coalitions refused to give up or give in. Their goals were becoming very clear; the Kibaki government was determined to hold onto power, while at the same time Odinga announced a swearing-in ceremony to declare him the “people’s president.” The police, who supported Kibaki, were violently attacking, killing or arresting opposition protestors. Opposition protesters were relentless in their fight; even as numbers decreased, those who continued were even more engaged and determined. Neither group was willing to concede with such high stakes on the table.
De-Escalation/Negotiation
Push from the international community began the de-escalation process. Leaders from the United States, European Union, Ghana, Tanzania and even Desmond Tutu of South Africa offered their advice and resources (Cooke). Separately, both Kibaki and Odinga agreed that the violence needed to stop for the sake of Kenya. They next agreed to meet with former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, to begin the mediation process. Annan planned to settle the disputes over the elections, specifically the accusations pointed at Kibaki’s administration for rigging the elections.
Kibaki and Odinga went from being immersed in their personal battles to allowing for compromise and negotiation. This change was due to continued international pressure to end the violence and instability in Kenya. They agreed to begin talks only if an outside mediator was present; both Kibaki and Odinga would not meet on their own.
Dispute Settlement
Since the conflict grew to take on several different issues; the settlement process struggled to tackle them fairly. The topics of discussion included the of ending the violence, the humanitarian situation, resolving the political crisis, and land and historical injustices.The first thing addressed was the rigged elections; after some negotiating, Annan was able to get Kabaki and Odinga to agree on a grand coalition government. On February 28th 2008, Kibaki and Odinga signed the agreement meant to end the crisis, it was called the National Accord and Reconciliation Act. Kibaki would remain President, but Odinga would take on the newly created position of Prime Minister, and the cabinet would be split for equal representation.
Next, the Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice, a large civil group that formed after the 2007 elections, wanted to tackle those who rigged the elections. They created a long list of alleged charges, ranging from forgery to “subverting the rule of law,” against all 22 electoral commissioners and some staff (“Kofi Annan”). A type of trial or retribution process was being created to handle these allegations. This list went to the International Criminal Court in the Hague, who promised to take action if Kenya did not.
The mediation established four commissions: a Constitutional Review Commission; an Independent Review Commission to examine the electoral process (Kriegler Commission); a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, and a Commission of Inquiry into Post-Election Violence (Waki Commission). The Kriegler Commission called for sweeping electoral reforms prior to the 2012 elections and the Waki Commissions called for the creation of a Special Kenyan Tribunal to bring the ringleaders of the violence to trial and for the comprehensive reform of the Kenyan police force (Cooke).
Post-Conflict Peace-Building and Conclusion
Just because a coalition government and new commissions were created, the transition to peace cannot be a guaranteed or stable process. The Kenyan leadership agreed to a political compromise under intense international and domestic pressure. The implementation process shows the government’s commitment to peace-building. Tackling years of injustice and the amounts of violence and resentment in particular ethnic groups of Kenya will be a long and challenging process.
Resolving issues concerning truth and justice, particularly the issues of corruption and past violence, means that both parties will have to give up some of their privileges. Many of these reforms have yet to be effectively handled, and the 2012 elections are right around the corner. Constitutional reform, electoral reform, effectively tackling corruption, restructuring a highly inequitable economy, and addressing historic grievances around land ownership are all critical challenges that must be overcome if Kenya wants to move forward in becoming a more stable and democratic nation.
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Introduction:
The Kenyan election crisis of 2007-2008 resulted in 1,500 dead, 3,000 raped, and 300,000 internally displaced (Roberts, 2). What began as a cry against fraudulent elections and corrupt executive power quickly became a battle based on ethnic identity and economic desperation. By using Wehr’s model for conflict assessment, we hope to address the key players, relationships, contextual issues, and underlying causes in the Kenyan election crisis. This assessment will reveal the unmet capacities that both international and domestic players had to predict and quite possibly prevent this conflict.
Parties Involved:
The parties involved in the 2007-8 crisis in Kenya can be divided into three key categories for further exploration. First is the united front of Mwai Kibaki and the Party of National Unity, which was supported by groups such as the Kikuyu ethnic tribe and the military. Second is the Orange Democratic Party, led by Raila Odinga, with support drawn in from the youth as well as the Luo and Kalenjin tribes. Lastly, we come to the international community and its efforts to engage in the conflict through stabilization and negotiation initiatives.
Domestic Community:
Before the 2007 elections, Kibaki was the incumbent president of Kenya, having been elected in 2002 as part of the National Rainbow Coalition. His presidency was faced with many challenges, such as public disapproval of the decision of legislators to give themselves raises, internal power struggles within his coalition, and difficulties drafting the new Kenyan Constitution. Interested in running for re-election in December 2007, Kibaki formed the Party of National Unity (PNU), a coalition comprised of his allies. A Kikuyu himself, many of the member parties in the PNU represented Kikuyu groups or similar ethnic communities (“Kenya”). Kibaki’s power originated from the legitimacy awarded to his political office and his control over the Kenyan military, both of which he utilized in suppressing protests once election results were released in 2007.
The Kikuyu are the largest ethnic group in Kenya, comprising twenty-two percent of the population. At the time of the election, many Kikuyu groups supported political parties with their group interests in mind and thereby combined to form the PNU (“Kenya”). As election violence progressed, many Kikuyus were forced from their communities and homes and the PNU lost much of its power. Displacement remained an unresolved problem for a year after the conflict officially ended (Wrong).
The main opponent running in opposition to Kibaki in the 2007 presidential election was Raila Odinga, a member of the Orange Democratic Movement coalition. Odinga was well-known in politics, having originally been in Kibaki’s National Rainbow Coalition and serving in Parliament for over a decade. The Orange Democratic Movement drew power from the support of a majority of Parliament. As compared to Kibaki’s PNU coalition, the Orange Democratic Movement is comprised of “parties representing nearly everyone else” (“Kenya”). Before being elected in 2002, Kibaki spoke of bringing Kenya together across ethnic lines; however, once in office, he removed all non-Kikuyus from office and formed a coalition to oppose Odinga in the 2007 elections (Zarembka). Odinga ran on a campaign to reinstate unifying initiatives, with special attention paid to the Luo tribe, of which he is a member, and the Kalenjin tribe. Both of these tribes resented the Kikuyu for their dominant economic and political roles in Kenya.
The Kalenjin were exceptionally strong in their opposition to the Kikuyu, so when the news broke out that Kibaki won the election, the Kalenjin became militant and forced the Kikuyu out of the Rift valley (Wrong).
International Community:
Many in the international arena were interested and concerned about the 2007 election crisis in Kenya, especially considering that Kenya’s reputation had been an exceptionally positive one since its independence (“Kenya”). The necessity of international involvement became clear when Odinga stated that any negotiation efforts would be mere “sideshow[s]” unless an international mediator was present (Kanina and Miriri). The African Union, represented by Ghanaian President John Kufuor, was involved in initial mediation efforts between the two presidential opponents. With little success met through the AU, Kofi Annan, the former UN secretary General, became the primary leader in mediation (“Kofi”). The UN and then Secretary General Ban Ki-moon expressed support for Kofi Annan’s mediations and provided humanitarian assistance while the crisis was being mediated. There was a strong belief within the international community that the post-conflict process in Kenya needed to be closely monitored until an agreement could be forged (United Nations).
Past Relationships Between Parties: 1991-2002
Following the declaration of Kenyan independence in 1963, the government structure was developed so as to house multiple parties. However, the reality was that the state was completely run by one party, the Kenyan African National Union (KANU). Through coercion and threats, the government, headed by President Jomo Kenyatta, kept all other political parties at bay. By the time of Kenyatta’s death in 1978, KANU’s hegemony was on the decline. Kenyatta was succeeded by Daniel Arap Moi, who attempted to revitalize KANU by declaring Kenya a one-party state in 1982 (Khadiagla, 67).
This declaration caused many problems and led to mass protests. In December 1991, the constitutional ban on parties was rescinded. This change was sparked by an event that took place in February 1991, when Oginga Odinga attempted to register a new political party, the National Democratic Party, but was denied. This denial led to the formation of the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy (FORD). FORD was launched in July 1991 as an organization of individuals who were committed to repealing the constitutional ban on political parties (Khadiagla, 68).
In the month preceding the 1992 elections, political parties were becoming more and more ethnically defined, with KANU composed mostly of Kalenjin, and the opposition parties rallying around Kikuyu and Luo support. FORD began to fall apart as the elections drew nearer as a result of the factionalism, with leaders growing divided over different views of party politics, ethnicity, and generation (Throup and Hornsby, 94).
Two groups emerged from the fragmentation of FORD: FORD Kenya, comprised of Luo and Luyia and led by Odinga, and FORD Asili, mostly Kikuyu and led by Kenneth Matiba (Khadiagla, 69). The Democratic Party (DP), led by Mwai Kibaki also materialized at this time. To counter the emergence of opposition groups, KANU rallied minority ethnic groups in the Rift Valley by preventing Kikuyu and Luo from accessing land and resources. This led to a series of ethnic cleansings in the Rift Valley in 1991 and 1992.
Although the emergence of opposition parties mobilized voters, it also led the KANU-dominated Parliament to change election regulation to requiring a candidate to receive at least 25% of the vote in order to win (Khadiagla 70). In the 1992 elections, Moi and KANU won 36% of the vote, even though opposition parties amassed 62% of votes (Khadiagla 70). As a result of their fragmentation, they lost the election.
In the years leading up to the 1997 election, the desire for changes in the Constitution once again shook up all political parties. Raila Odinga created his own party, the National Democratic Party. The 1997 elections were characterized by the administrative chaos of the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK). Opposition allegations of rigging by the ECK on behalf of KANU dominated the post-electorate climate (Khadiagla 73). KANU won with 41% of the vote but only gained four more seats than the combined opposition in Parliament. This led to a significant shift in the opposition; Kibaki’s DP emerged as the dominant party, also replacing FORD Asili as the key party in the Kikuyu heartland. This new dynamic of politics largely set the stage for the 2002 election.
Relationship Continuum Between Parties: 2002-2007
The interaction between Mwai Kibaki’s party, Party of National Unity (PNU), and Raila Odinga’s party, Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), can be traced back to the election of 2002. Relationships between these two parties did not exist long enough for much movement to occur along the continuum of five stages. Instead, the interactions follow the stages and arrive at the conflict stage during the election of 2007.
The two parties were in the cooperation stage during the election of 2002. In order to defeat the incumbent’s party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), Kibaki’s former party, the National Alliance Party of Kenya (NAK), formed a coalition named the National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) (Roberts). NARC encompassed all of the major Kenyan tribes and chose Kibaki to be the candidate for the presidential election. The NARC drafted a Memorandum of Understanding that provided for equal sharing of cabinet posts between LDP and NAK when Kibaki finally take office (KNCHR). The election resulted in a landslide victory for Kibaki.
After the election, the relationship between the two parties hit the competition stage. Internal conflict began to emerge within the NARC coalition due to the LDP’s assessment that the NAK, particularly President Kibaki, did not honor the MOU that both parties had signed before the 2002 elections. The LDP assessed that “the appointments favored the NAK,” especially those who were originally from “the president’s central province while neglecting other areas” (Ochieng). The disagreement over allocation of resources heated up in 2003 when President Kibaki expelled members of the Kalenjin tribe from the Mau Forest (Roberts, 11). The Kalenjin tribe was one of the major tribes that comprised the LDP, and President Kibaki’s decision to throw them out of the Mau Forest angered the entire party. Finally, the NARC coalition fell apart when Raila Odinga formed the ODM, which was largely comprised of a tribal alliance between the Kalenjin, Luhyas, and Luos. President Kibaki and the Kikuyu formed the PNU after the coalition was divided. ODM ran a ‘No’ campaign against the constitution referendum that President Kibaki tried to pass. The referendum stated that the President intended to enhance executive power and refused to address a reinforcement of legislative and judicial arms (ICG). Following the vote on the referendum, the party completely fell apart.
The two parties arrived at a heightened tension stage during the pre-election campaign when the ODM began questioning the independence of the General Elections’ Electoral Commission after President Kibaki “did not renew the tenure of Commission Chairman Samuel Kivuitu until November”(KNCHR, 26). Both parties were also running negative campaigns against one another, with the ODM portraying PNU as a party of “old men clinging onto power” that only granted power to members of the Kikuyu tribe, while the ODM was presented as “the broad-based party for progressive change”(KNCHR, 27). Both parties transformed general issues into ethnic issues. For example, corruption was advertised as a Kikuyu problem, while opposition to the Kibaki government was interpreted as a Luo agenda (KNCHR, 27). The heightened tension lasted until the election day, when allegations of marked ballots and rigged results grew and were further fanned by the live broadcast of leaders disputing the results coming in from the constituencies. The heightened tension finally turned into a conflict when the results were announced and ODM supporters began challenging the legality of the election.
Conflict Context: Individual and Group
Individual:
The individual level of this conflict can be assessed using Konrad Lorenz’s concept of militant enthusiasm. This is based on a situation where an individual has a tendency to lose his/her normal inhibitions against violence when united with others who are similarly motivated (Barash, 99). This is apparent in the ethnic and political make-up of the parties in conflict. Odinga supporters felt unified amongst their fellow Luos and Kalenjin tribesmen who were fighting against the alleged rigging of elections, lost their inhibitions regarding violent conflict, and subsequently turned their aggressions against Kibaki supporters and the Kikuyu people. The violence between the two parties launched the overall conflict to a group level. The loss of inhibitions illustrated a mob psychology, where individuals engaged in acts that they would not have done if they were acting alone (Barash, 125). A concept developed by Sigmund Freud can also be used to assess this conflict. Freudian narcissism describes the joint feeling of pain and grievance when a member of a group is attacked or hurt (Barash, 103). This can be illustrated in the Kenyan conflict between opposing ethnic and political groups whose attacks were taken personally and were transformed into a need for vengeful justice. As a result, conflict became fueled by ethnocentric motivations and spiraled out of control. Nonetheless, certain individuals sought violence outside of groups, as exemplified by the killing of MPs from opposing parties (Gettleman, 1).
Individual’s actions are largely influenced by their experiences, with most psychologists and sociologists maintaining that violence stems from responses to experiences rather than genetic instinct (Barash, 108). The history of violence surrounding political elections in Kenya played a major role in the conflict that occurred in 2007. Furthermore, these experiences have created assumptions that will inspire further violence.
Group:
At the group level of conflict, members of homogenous groups are more likely to respond to conflictual situations with hostility than groups with heterogeneous membership (Barash, 126). The group level of the Kenyan election crisis involved numerous members of ethnic and political groups communicating with one another in order to carry out organized and orchestrated violence against opposing groups.
Conflict Context: Cultural and Behavioral
Cultural:
The most vital cultural determinant in the Kenyan election crisis of 2007-2008 was the nation’s long-standing history of ethnic tension. The Kenyan population is largely split between five tribal groups: Kikuyu (22%), Luhya (14%), Luo (13%), Kalenjin (12%), and Kamba (11%) (Roberts, 6). Political parties fall under these same ethnic divisions. Historically, violence between ethnic factions stemmed primarily from land disputes. Still fostering a deep connection to land that has been unequally distributed, contemporary political groups still find themselves in conflict with one another. Tribal groups often feel as though the only way they can gain resources for themselves and those within their groups is through gaining political power.
In Kenyan culture, elders are valued above all other members of society. During the election crisis, large numbers of jobless, young men were chief instigators in violent protest. Currently, 89% of Kenya’s population is under the age of 31; however, the nation’s governmental body does not reflect this demographic (Ndungu, 120). The younger population within Kenya is suffering from an extreme intergenerational gap, with elders holding the vast majority of political power. As a result, youth feel that their voices will only be heard through violent means.
Another cultural factor that led to extreme violence during the election crisis was a tradition of disrespect toward women. Following the election crisis, hospital visits for sexual abuses increased two to three-fold. Post-conflict reports estimate that as many as 3,000 women were raped during the election crisis (Roberts, 2). Most sexual assaults took place in Kibera, the slum surrounding Nairobi, where women would be attacked while attempting to travel to or from their homes. Rape, which is commonly accepted as a tool of warfare, was often a tactic utilized against opposing ethnic groups or political parties during the election crisis (Shekhawat, 14).
Behavioral:
Long-standing frustration against governmental abuses of power fueled the violence that ensued following elections in 2007. After experiencing a series of tyrannical executives, most Kenyans believed that politicians would do virtually anything to gain power and wealth for themselves. In addition, unequal land distribution that dates back to the colonial era remains a source of frustration for many Kenyans who wish to see the government address past abuses. The election in 2007 provided a perfect window of opportunity for those who were feeling frustration against the Kenyan government to become aggressive. The election crisis erupted as quickly and intensely as it did because of the built-up frustrations of the local population.
Many Kenyans were also driven to violence because of a sense of relative deprivation. Kikuyus, who are the dominant ethnic group in Kenya, have historically felt disadvantaged in comparison to other ethnic groups. The election crisis provided the Kikuyus, as well as other ethnic groups who felt deprived, with an excuse to vent out their frustrations on opposing groups. With the gap between the poor and the rich in Kenya growing dramatically, a wider sense of relative deprivation also pervades the population (Ndungu, 113). Political elite in Kenya earn as much as four-hundred times more than the average worker (Roberts, 5). Widespread poverty is a constant source of frustration for most Kenyans, especially when officials create lavish lifestyles for themselves out of corruption.
Conflict Dynamic
Latent Conflict:
Kenyan citizens experienced years of political dissatisfaction and resentment. The previous governments of Jomo Kenyatta, Moi, and Kibaki continuously failed to comprehensively address problems plaguing certain ethnic groups (Ndunga). Successive Kenyan administrations have favored the majority Kikuyu ethnic group, both economically and politically, against smaller ethnic groups, including Luhya, Luo, Kalenjin, Kamba, Kisii and others (Cooke). Ethnicity continued to be the principal factor in political races and alliances; long-standing economic frustrations and lack of representation allowed resentment to grow in Kenyan citizens.
Conflict Emergence:
The December 27th, 2007 presidential election results ignited the violent crisis that took over Kenya. The major opponent, Raila Odinga maintained the lead in election polls throughout the week and election day, yet Mwai Kibaki was announced as the reelected winner. Just minutes after Kibaki was sworn in, violence broke out across the nation.
At the outset, violence was primarily directed against the Kikuyu, especially in the Rift Valley and Western Province. Gangs of youths blocked Kenya’s main roads and set fire to hundreds of homes of perceived ‘outsiders’. In Mathare, a slum in Nairobi, Luo gangs burned more than 100 Kikuyu homes. Violent clashes with police erupted in Odinga’s home province of Nyanza and in the densely populated slums of Nairobi. Opposers set to burn, destroy and kill the Kikuyu. There was also an alarming amount of sexual violence and rape in Nairobi’s slum areas (Abwao). The election seemed to tap into the tribal tension that always laid beneath the surface in Kenya, but until now had not provoked widespread mayhem.
Conflict Escalation:
As the weeks went by, the conflict continued to intensify following the escalation model of conflict spiral. The Kikuyu began retaliation killings, especially in the Rift Valley area. The crisis went from specific to general and from a few problems to many problems, in the span of a month. The crisis spread to effect women, tribes, the economy and most public services. More than 1,200 people were killed and around 350,000 were displaced into temporary camps. Food security was further threatened due to farmer’s moving or running away from their farms. The education and health sectors were also weakened by the large-scale displacement of professionals (Abwao).
The election seems to have tapped into an atavistic vein of tribal tension that always lay beneath the surface in Kenya but until now had not provoked widespread mayhem (Gettleman).
Stalemate:
A month in, the killings, burnings and protesting continued without a sign of ending. At this point both the parties were using maximum force to gain control. The situation would be considered both a hurting stalemate and an issue of conflict ripeness. If something did not change very soon, Kenya could completely fall apart economically, socially and politically. Countries who historically provided Kenya with aid were becoming hesitant to continue; the European Parliament threatened to freeze aid if a political solution was not found (Gettleman).
Political entrapment was very obvious, as both Kibaki and Odinga’s coalitions refused to give up or give in. Their goals were becoming very clear; the Kibaki government was determined to hold onto power, while at the same time Odinga announced a swearing-in ceremony to declare him the “people’s president.” The police, who supported Kibaki, were violently attacking, killing or arresting opposition protestors. Opposition protesters were relentless in their fight; even as numbers decreased, those who continued were even more engaged and determined. Neither group was willing to concede with such high stakes on the table.
De-Escalation/Negotiation
Push from the international community began the de-escalation process. Leaders from the United States, European Union, Ghana, Tanzania and even Desmond Tutu of South Africa offered their advice and resources (Cooke). Separately, both Kibaki and Odinga agreed that the violence needed to stop for the sake of Kenya. They next agreed to meet with former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, to begin the mediation process. Annan planned to settle the disputes over the elections, specifically the accusations pointed at Kibaki’s administration for rigging the elections.
Kibaki and Odinga went from being immersed in their personal battles to allowing for compromise and negotiation. This change was due to continued international pressure to end the violence and instability in Kenya. They agreed to begin talks only if an outside mediator was present; both Kibaki and Odinga would not meet on their own.
Dispute Settlement
Since the conflict grew to take on several different issues; the settlement process struggled to tackle them fairly. The topics of discussion included the of ending the violence, the humanitarian situation, resolving the political crisis, and land and historical injustices.The first thing addressed was the rigged elections; after some negotiating, Annan was able to get Kabaki and Odinga to agree on a grand coalition government. On February 28th 2008, Kibaki and Odinga signed the agreement meant to end the crisis, it was called the National Accord and Reconciliation Act. Kibaki would remain President, but Odinga would take on the newly created position of Prime Minister, and the cabinet would be split for equal representation.
Next, the Kenyans for Peace with Truth and Justice, a large civil group that formed after the 2007 elections, wanted to tackle those who rigged the elections. They created a long list of alleged charges, ranging from forgery to “subverting the rule of law,” against all 22 electoral commissioners and some staff (“Kofi Annan”). A type of trial or retribution process was being created to handle these allegations. This list went to the International Criminal Court in the Hague, who promised to take action if Kenya did not.
The mediation established four commissions: a Constitutional Review Commission; an Independent Review Commission to examine the electoral process (Kriegler Commission); a Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, and a Commission of Inquiry into Post-Election Violence (Waki Commission). The Kriegler Commission called for sweeping electoral reforms prior to the 2012 elections and the Waki Commissions called for the creation of a Special Kenyan Tribunal to bring the ringleaders of the violence to trial and for the comprehensive reform of the Kenyan police force (Cooke).
Post-Conflict Peace-Building and Conclusion
Just because a coalition government and new commissions were created, the transition to peace cannot be a guaranteed or stable process. The Kenyan leadership agreed to a political compromise under intense international and domestic pressure. The implementation process shows the government’s commitment to peace-building. Tackling years of injustice and the amounts of violence and resentment in particular ethnic groups of Kenya will be a long and challenging process.
Resolving issues concerning truth and justice, particularly the issues of corruption and past violence, means that both parties will have to give up some of their privileges. Many of these reforms have yet to be effectively handled, and the 2012 elections are right around the corner. Constitutional reform, electoral reform, effectively tackling corruption, restructuring a highly inequitable economy, and addressing historic grievances around land ownership are all critical challenges that must be overcome if Kenya wants to move forward in becoming a more stable and democratic nation.
Sources:
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Cooke, Jennifer G. “Background on the Post-Election Crisis in Kenya.” Center for Strategic International Studies. August 2009. Web. 10 February 2011.
Gettleman, Jefferey. “Disputed Vote Plunges Kenya Into Bloodshed.” New York Times. January 2008. Web. 11 February 2011.
Gettleman, Jeffrey. "Kenya Riot Police Turn Back Rallying Protesters." New York Times. NYTimes.com. 4 Jan. 2008. Web. 11 Feb. 2011.
Gettleman, Jeffrey. ‘Second Lawmaker Is Killed as Kenya’s Riots Intensify.’ New York Times. 1st February, 2008. http://www.nytimes.com/2008/02/01/world/africa/01kenya.html?_r=2
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Saturday, January 14, 2012
New Beginning in Nairobi
This is gonna be the stupidest blog entry in this blog.
So I woke up and felt like I need a change in my life. The win yesterday wasn't enough to make me feel better. So I walk to the office today, said hi to Joel as I pass by and he yelled that I needed to smile. I get to the office and you know, whatever. So long story short, I took a vote and decided to get a hair cut (and highlights but that's not important).
So I went to Sarit Centre to get my hair done and good god the salon here is definitely a whole new experience. They are a bit pricey but what made a bit uncomfortable is.. everybody is too... servant-y. When I get to the desk, the receptionist was a bit too polite and she won't stare in my eyes. The whole process from me waiting to get my hair washed to the actual color and hair cut was too quiet. No one was talking to me, they were too polite and won't stare in my eyes, they were also a bit to accommodating (ok so I bursted out crying in the salon, a whole nother story).
I eavesdrop on people's conversation and observe a lot of things. I feel that the employees act that way because most of the clients in the salon treat them like a servant. Like these hair stylists and manicurists are way below them. That's sad. But anyway, I got a hair cut and hair coloring and surprisingly, not only my head feels lighter but also my heart. It feels like my stress is gone with all those hairs.
So here's to new beginning in a new city. There will always be good time and bad times in Nairobi but I'll try to be positive about it.
Hapa ni kuwa na mwanzo mpya!
So I woke up and felt like I need a change in my life. The win yesterday wasn't enough to make me feel better. So I walk to the office today, said hi to Joel as I pass by and he yelled that I needed to smile. I get to the office and you know, whatever. So long story short, I took a vote and decided to get a hair cut (and highlights but that's not important).
So I went to Sarit Centre to get my hair done and good god the salon here is definitely a whole new experience. They are a bit pricey but what made a bit uncomfortable is.. everybody is too... servant-y. When I get to the desk, the receptionist was a bit too polite and she won't stare in my eyes. The whole process from me waiting to get my hair washed to the actual color and hair cut was too quiet. No one was talking to me, they were too polite and won't stare in my eyes, they were also a bit to accommodating (ok so I bursted out crying in the salon, a whole nother story).
I eavesdrop on people's conversation and observe a lot of things. I feel that the employees act that way because most of the clients in the salon treat them like a servant. Like these hair stylists and manicurists are way below them. That's sad. But anyway, I got a hair cut and hair coloring and surprisingly, not only my head feels lighter but also my heart. It feels like my stress is gone with all those hairs.
So here's to new beginning in a new city. There will always be good time and bad times in Nairobi but I'll try to be positive about it.
Hapa ni kuwa na mwanzo mpya!
Friday, January 13, 2012
I Needed a Win Today... and I Got It
So I've had a horrible start this morning. Let's just say that I embarassed myself in front of my roommate this morning by bursted out crying and ended up making G getting me some tea, Katty giving me girl pep talk while we were sitting in the balcony and you know.. sitting in the balcony. So this morning I just felt like... I need some sort of a win. I need something good to happen. As it happenned, today is also our Scavenger hunt day. Unfortunately, the rest of the AU abrad program is uber competitive, so I really needed to step up my game (well, I kinda knew I would lose anyway). But you know what, I got a win today in a way I would never imagine.
First of all, I got to spend the whole day experiencing the town with SiNae (the other half of this blog :) ). It was wonderful! We went all over town today and get a better sense of the town and where things are. To start our adventure, we went to places that's around Westland like the British Institute:
Then we walk along and find stuff like YMCA and the syngogue where I got my second win of the day. I got a new friend named Elvira who ended up showing us half of the place we were supposed to visit that day. She also show me where to get cheap (legit) hand bags. One of the hardest place to find is the Nairobi Gallery:
But then Elvira had to leave us, so we continued our journey alone and well... we got lost. A lot!!!
The freaking Freedom Corner is an actual corner.. a very... very very tiny corner.
First of all, I got to spend the whole day experiencing the town with SiNae (the other half of this blog :) ). It was wonderful! We went all over town today and get a better sense of the town and where things are. To start our adventure, we went to places that's around Westland like the British Institute:
Then we walk along and find stuff like YMCA and the syngogue where I got my second win of the day. I got a new friend named Elvira who ended up showing us half of the place we were supposed to visit that day. She also show me where to get cheap (legit) hand bags. One of the hardest place to find is the Nairobi Gallery:
But then Elvira had to leave us, so we continued our journey alone and well... we got lost. A lot!!!
The freaking Freedom Corner is an actual corner.. a very... very very tiny corner.
As I predicted, we lost. But at least it's only by a point. I walked a lot today which kinda took my mind off of things so that's a win. I laughed a lot today. I talked to Karl today (I f***ing love my brother). You know what, today was a great day.
Thursday, January 12, 2012
My Daily Routine
So.. I got nothing interesting going on today. I figure well I'll just tell you my daily (ok, more like Monday Wednesday Friday) routine is like. So I wake up at 6 am and turn on the water heater. Eat breakfast, maybe read the news or chat on facebook (okay yeah more than likely faebook). Take a shower, get dressed, drink my malaria pill, and then walk around my room asking SiNae if she's seen my [insert object name here]. Say bye to G and Katty if they haven't left yet and go around 7.15 at the latest.
Now, my first class of the day is Kiswahili at 8 am. It takes about 30 minutes to walk from our apartment to the class at AU Abroad office. It's a pretty nice walk though! So we talk a 15 minute walks down Rhapta Road towards Mombasa Road/the round about. But then, right before the round about I take a right down a dirt road that clear has a sigh that says ROAD CLOSED. But that's okay, it's just you know.. people with heavy machinery paving a road and such. There's no way you are going to fall or anything like that. After that, we cross the (according to Katty) Scary Ass Bridge that's basically made with planks with pretty huge gaps in between. It's totally okay. Then at the end of the bridge I'll say hi to Joel, the shack owner/my mandazi guy. Joel refuses to speak english with me because he thinks it will help me learn Swahili. Then we took a left turn then somehow see the office.
On Friday, I stay there until 1 but on MW I go home before my class at USIU. On MW, on my way back I usually buy Mandazi or Donut from Joel. He is really nice, sometimes he gives me a free Mandazi. Around 11.30-11.45 I usually leave the apartment again with SiNae to go to USIU. Follow the same road again to Mombasa road, stop by Rajasa, my fruit guy to get pineapple slices or banana then catch a matatu to Jivanji. After that it's just you know, whatever, cross the road get to the USIU shuttle, try to get busy in my own little world or look at Ameiva. After class, I either follow the route back or catch matatu 48 to town. So that's my pretty lackluster routine :)
Now, my first class of the day is Kiswahili at 8 am. It takes about 30 minutes to walk from our apartment to the class at AU Abroad office. It's a pretty nice walk though! So we talk a 15 minute walks down Rhapta Road towards Mombasa Road/the round about. But then, right before the round about I take a right down a dirt road that clear has a sigh that says ROAD CLOSED. But that's okay, it's just you know.. people with heavy machinery paving a road and such. There's no way you are going to fall or anything like that. After that, we cross the (according to Katty) Scary Ass Bridge that's basically made with planks with pretty huge gaps in between. It's totally okay. Then at the end of the bridge I'll say hi to Joel, the shack owner/my mandazi guy. Joel refuses to speak english with me because he thinks it will help me learn Swahili. Then we took a left turn then somehow see the office.
On Friday, I stay there until 1 but on MW I go home before my class at USIU. On MW, on my way back I usually buy Mandazi or Donut from Joel. He is really nice, sometimes he gives me a free Mandazi. Around 11.30-11.45 I usually leave the apartment again with SiNae to go to USIU. Follow the same road again to Mombasa road, stop by Rajasa, my fruit guy to get pineapple slices or banana then catch a matatu to Jivanji. After that it's just you know, whatever, cross the road get to the USIU shuttle, try to get busy in my own little world or look at Ameiva. After class, I either follow the route back or catch matatu 48 to town. So that's my pretty lackluster routine :)
Wednesday, January 11, 2012
Kibera.. and how it reminded me of home
So today for Politics of Culture in Kenya instead of sitting in a class room, we went to Kibera. Now, when I think about slums, I automatically think about the slums in Indonesia, especially Jakarta. I grew up with that sort of environment around and it saddens me everytime I think about it. Everybody took different route to get to ISSA and I am surprised that Kibera is a LOT better than home.
Yes, the houses are informal and made out of iron sheeting. Yes they live very close to the railroad and they sell second hand stuff. But people are happy. Kids are smiling and they greet foreigners with "how are you" and try to shake your hand. SiNae and I were the first people that get to ISSA so I decided to come downstairs and play with kids. Gosh I love kids! I played with three kids today they all oh so very adorable! I threw them up in the air, did the helicopter, played tag with them, and people even said I'm really good with kids. I love kids, they make me happy. But I am totally paying for it right now cause my back is sore and everything else is also sore.
Oh I also started a trend in Kibera today. One of the kid I played with kept calling me Mzungu. So I told her my name is Yuli and she still called me Mzungu. So I just repeated my name over and over until she called me Yuli. Well, turns out now she calls EVERYBODY Yuli because she thought Yuli and Mzungu is the same thing. So if you come to Kibera and people start calling you "Yuli" I am soooo sorry. I finally get to eat tripes again today (after a looooog time). I am quite happy about it.
Okay, so my day in Kibera is quite lackluster but I did had a fun experience :) Also, on my way back to Westland, a guy was talking to me while I was sitting in the star bus. We had a pretty basic conversation in Swahili and he asked how long I'll be in Nairobi. He also said that he likes my attitude that's open and not superly cautious because that means no one will harrass me. Actually, he said that if anyone ever harrass me in town, I should find him and he and his brothers will take care of it for me. I think I just met the head of a gang...
Yes, the houses are informal and made out of iron sheeting. Yes they live very close to the railroad and they sell second hand stuff. But people are happy. Kids are smiling and they greet foreigners with "how are you" and try to shake your hand. SiNae and I were the first people that get to ISSA so I decided to come downstairs and play with kids. Gosh I love kids! I played with three kids today they all oh so very adorable! I threw them up in the air, did the helicopter, played tag with them, and people even said I'm really good with kids. I love kids, they make me happy. But I am totally paying for it right now cause my back is sore and everything else is also sore.
Oh I also started a trend in Kibera today. One of the kid I played with kept calling me Mzungu. So I told her my name is Yuli and she still called me Mzungu. So I just repeated my name over and over until she called me Yuli. Well, turns out now she calls EVERYBODY Yuli because she thought Yuli and Mzungu is the same thing. So if you come to Kibera and people start calling you "Yuli" I am soooo sorry. I finally get to eat tripes again today (after a looooog time). I am quite happy about it.
Okay, so my day in Kibera is quite lackluster but I did had a fun experience :) Also, on my way back to Westland, a guy was talking to me while I was sitting in the star bus. We had a pretty basic conversation in Swahili and he asked how long I'll be in Nairobi. He also said that he likes my attitude that's open and not superly cautious because that means no one will harrass me. Actually, he said that if anyone ever harrass me in town, I should find him and he and his brothers will take care of it for me. I think I just met the head of a gang...
Tuesday, January 10, 2012
The Crap that is United States International University-Africa (or How Crappy my First Day of School is)
I've had quite a day today.
So at 2 am-ish this morning, Katty woke me up and told me she had to go to the hospital. Being the dumbass that I am, I said "uh... okay.. as soon as you find my glasses." I was telling a very very ill person to find my glasses for me. Yes. I was awful. But all the ruckus woke SiNae up and we all get dressed (sort of) to take Katty to the hospital. The Aga Khan hospital was a lot like Sibley, only a bit more depressing. So we waited on Katty and watched CitizenTV for hours and hours (unfortunately, our TV at home also only shows this particular channel). They were showing Al Jazeera for a while just to wait until they show the weather for East Africa (which they never did). The TV then suddenly turn into this random weird fitness show called Body and Soul.
OK, the main fitness guru is called Jeannie Weaver and her assistants are this 90 year old lady named Frances (she said she is 90) and this teenage girl. What a weird way to try to appeal to a wider demographic. The entire time, Frances looked like she might keel over from all the work out. Good god she was shaking hard when she had to strecth a towel! At the end of the program,
Jeannie: "[with creepy smile] Did you have fun Frances?"
Frances: [in a very meek voice] "I.. had fun"
Jeannie: "Of course you did!"
That's like.. robbing me on gun point and ask "you're giving me your money willingly, right?!"
But anywayyyyy, we left at 6.30 with Francis (the taxi guy, not the old lady from the show). Katty was looking a little better but she wasn't feeling well enough to go to school. As soon as we walk in, G was also sick. Great, so I am the only one who hadn't got sick yet in this apartment. So we walk up to the office, this time we kow our way so we actually got there faster. Swahili was great and I had my meeting with Lynsey. Went to the mall with SiNae to get the internet. Got a matatu to town for 20 bob. You know, pretty chill and lackluster day.. or so I thought.
So we got to USIU, wait around for Kellan (our academic advisor) for a little bit and she said I'm all set with that big "Welcome to our campus!" smile. We went to the library to get our textbooks (everybody got free textbooks here! outdated but free!). We stand in the line for 80 minutes and missed our first class by about 5 minute. So I figured, that's okay, it's only the first day of school and at least I got my textbooks. But no... after all that waiting in line and heaing people talk shit about Texas, I got to the textbook desk and they said, "I am sorry but we can't give you textbooks. You are not cleared." What the duck?! So apparently I am financially cleared but my student account is not cleared yet (?!) That upsets me a lot so I called Kellen and apparently she was driving but she said she will meet me at her office in 10 minutes. What we called CPT in USA, they call it African time and good god 10 minute stretched into hours. I was cranky; I missed my class, I was tired, very hungry, and just need people to give me my space. So I snapped at someone in our group (sorry about that!). Kellan never shoed up and apparently my professor for the first class didn't show up either. Went to my second class and we just took syllabus and went home. I don't think I will ever get used to USIU. I think their system sucks and I think they need more librarian. I think that some of the people there are quite stuck up and I don't think I can ever get used to listening to people's conversation about how rich they are.
Anywho, that's all for today. I am super tired and cranky. Gotta go.
So at 2 am-ish this morning, Katty woke me up and told me she had to go to the hospital. Being the dumbass that I am, I said "uh... okay.. as soon as you find my glasses." I was telling a very very ill person to find my glasses for me. Yes. I was awful. But all the ruckus woke SiNae up and we all get dressed (sort of) to take Katty to the hospital. The Aga Khan hospital was a lot like Sibley, only a bit more depressing. So we waited on Katty and watched CitizenTV for hours and hours (unfortunately, our TV at home also only shows this particular channel). They were showing Al Jazeera for a while just to wait until they show the weather for East Africa (which they never did). The TV then suddenly turn into this random weird fitness show called Body and Soul.
OK, the main fitness guru is called Jeannie Weaver and her assistants are this 90 year old lady named Frances (she said she is 90) and this teenage girl. What a weird way to try to appeal to a wider demographic. The entire time, Frances looked like she might keel over from all the work out. Good god she was shaking hard when she had to strecth a towel! At the end of the program,
Jeannie: "[with creepy smile] Did you have fun Frances?"
Frances: [in a very meek voice] "I.. had fun"
Jeannie: "Of course you did!"
That's like.. robbing me on gun point and ask "you're giving me your money willingly, right?!"
But anywayyyyy, we left at 6.30 with Francis (the taxi guy, not the old lady from the show). Katty was looking a little better but she wasn't feeling well enough to go to school. As soon as we walk in, G was also sick. Great, so I am the only one who hadn't got sick yet in this apartment. So we walk up to the office, this time we kow our way so we actually got there faster. Swahili was great and I had my meeting with Lynsey. Went to the mall with SiNae to get the internet. Got a matatu to town for 20 bob. You know, pretty chill and lackluster day.. or so I thought.
So we got to USIU, wait around for Kellan (our academic advisor) for a little bit and she said I'm all set with that big "Welcome to our campus!" smile. We went to the library to get our textbooks (everybody got free textbooks here! outdated but free!). We stand in the line for 80 minutes and missed our first class by about 5 minute. So I figured, that's okay, it's only the first day of school and at least I got my textbooks. But no... after all that waiting in line and heaing people talk shit about Texas, I got to the textbook desk and they said, "I am sorry but we can't give you textbooks. You are not cleared." What the duck?! So apparently I am financially cleared but my student account is not cleared yet (?!) That upsets me a lot so I called Kellen and apparently she was driving but she said she will meet me at her office in 10 minutes. What we called CPT in USA, they call it African time and good god 10 minute stretched into hours. I was cranky; I missed my class, I was tired, very hungry, and just need people to give me my space. So I snapped at someone in our group (sorry about that!). Kellan never shoed up and apparently my professor for the first class didn't show up either. Went to my second class and we just took syllabus and went home. I don't think I will ever get used to USIU. I think their system sucks and I think they need more librarian. I think that some of the people there are quite stuck up and I don't think I can ever get used to listening to people's conversation about how rich they are.
Anywho, that's all for today. I am super tired and cranky. Gotta go.
Monday, January 9, 2012
Maasai Market and Nyama Choma :)
Habari zenu!
It's Sunday, January 8 and I have had the most exciting day ever! For today, we went to the Maasai market to make sure we remember how to take the matatu to town and learn how to bargain for things. Boy, do I learn how to bargain for things.
First thing first, you gotta know that my mother is the master of bargaining and by following her around I learned the value of items. Or so I thought. These are the items I got today:
It's Sunday, January 8 and I have had the most exciting day ever! For today, we went to the Maasai market to make sure we remember how to take the matatu to town and learn how to bargain for things. Boy, do I learn how to bargain for things.
First thing first, you gotta know that my mother is the master of bargaining and by following her around I learned the value of items. Or so I thought. These are the items I got today:
Pretty, right?? I spend about...KSH 850 in total. Yea.. it's pretty bad. I definitely paid too much for the giraffes and the spoon set. BUT! I won KSH200 top up for being the best bargainer :) But that's not the most interesting part of my day. So at the market I REAALLLYYY wanted this African map that is printed on leather. Beautiful and only for KSH 500. But you know, you always have to bargain for these things so I bargain for ksh 100 (I only have ksh 300 left). So there was this guy that keep on chasing me around for it but he got upset because I won't raise my bargain and left. So 30 minutes later, he walked back to me and said "fine, it's yours for 100. But let me see the money first." At that point, I was all giggly and happy because I really.. really.. REALLY wanted that map (hint hint for birthday present). So I walked with him, he got a newspaper t wrap it from someone and I pay him ksh 100.
If you think the story end there, oh my, you gotta learn much,, much more about me. Things are more exciting in my life than in yours lol jk. So after that I walked around and went to another guy that also sells the map. I asked him how much he sells the map for and told him that I got mine for ksh 100. He asked to see the map and I was a little confused on why. After we opened the wrapping and unfold the tattered leather (I didn't think much of it because some of the leather were tattered for the 'authentic' look) we found out that I have been duped. What's drawn in that leather was NOT a map of Africa but a very ugly stick figure painting. I was very very very upset to the point that I almost cried and hunted down that guy (yes, I almost beat him up). So I asked the guy that unfold the map (GTUTM) on a way to solve this without making a big deal. I don't want to fight him or accuse him of things so gtutm said he's gonna call the 'mama' so we ca deal with the matter properly. So I walked with the Mama to the guy who gave the wrapping paper and Mama started yelling. Then we went to the stall of the guy who sold me the thing. Turns out, it wasn't even his stall.. So mama started yelling and everybody gathered and I explained everything and well.. no one knows where he is. So I said I am not upset, I just want my money back. They give me my money back and they pat my back saying that I was very brave to stand up for myself. After that, I met the rest of the group for nyama choma and that was one of the best roast meats I've ever had in my life. I feel really blessed right now. :) Well that's all for now.
Kwaherini!
Sunday, January 8, 2012
Just Another Day in Naivasha
So, today is the drop off day. You don't know what a drop off is? Well... it's exactly what it sounds like. You got dropped off in the middle of nowhere with nothing. Okay, so most people carry their cell phone and camera with them but I decided to carry nothing but a piece of paper (with the questions I need to ask) and a pen.
I got dropped off in Lakeview drive area, it is a very beautiful and quiet residential area in Naivasha. I have to ask three questions: Who is Kenya's new chief of justice, who is Naivasha's Area MP, and what is the meaning of the word kigeugeu. After I got dropped off, I wandered for a little bit and soaked the beauty of this beautiful, gorgeous town until I remember, "hey! I am supposed to be making friends!" So I walked a little bit and rang someone's doorbell. While I was waiting for someone to answer the door for me (well, the fence.. whatever), the next door neighbour walked out. I tried to ask them the question but they said that they are late for work. Then the housekeeper from the house I originally tried came out and well, she doesn't speak english. However, the daughter came out of the house and tried to help me a little bit, tried being the key word here. So I wander a little bit more until I saw a guy and a little girl playing on a fence which makes me think "okay, so they are obviously conversing in english. It won't hurt to ask them, right? At least they can point me to someone who knows." I started talking to them and that just had to be the best decision I ever made!
I asked the son about my questions and he said, "I'm not sure. Let's ask Dad" which confuses me because he said that but wasn't moving anywhere. Suddenly, this really beautiful truck comes out of the driveway (which I thought was a road because it was just..ok, I can't see their house. that long) with two people in it. Dad was obviously busy and on the phone and grunt, "talk to mom." The mother is vey nice, she answered my question and when I asked her about the meeting place she told me that her boys will take me there. In addition, she insisted that I come inside and have some tea and snacks. The house is VERY nice, they are definitely a very well off family. Inside, I met the older brother, Shen, who told me that he has two older brothers and asked if I like the song that was playing on the tv. It was Snoop Dogg and Wiz Khalifa's newest single so of course I said yea. He smiled and disappeared inside so I just played with Karo (the daughter) and Francis (the son I met outside). I played chess with Francis while rapping along to the songs that was playing and he taught me some popular Kenyan rap. He also taught me Kikuyu and all of this happened while Karo (tried) to corn row my (stubborn) hair. She is very animated and she wanted me to draw with her. Karo is a great hip hop dancer at the age of 9 and she was teaching me the "right" way to dance. Yea, me and my asian butt CANNOT shake like that.
My favorite part of the day was the conversation I had with Francis while we were playing chess. His understanding of American lifestyle is from Rap videos and Hollywood movies, where people carry around guns and big stack of money. Our houses are (supposedly) big and opportunity is abundant. He thought anyone who lives in United States can arrange it for other people to get in (not true!). We played with the animals on the backyard. I fed the chicken ad the geese, rode the cow, chased the turkey, and later we hiked a little bit and see the whole Naivasha. Shen came back and drove me to where I was supposed to meet the group. I've had the best day ever :)
I got dropped off in Lakeview drive area, it is a very beautiful and quiet residential area in Naivasha. I have to ask three questions: Who is Kenya's new chief of justice, who is Naivasha's Area MP, and what is the meaning of the word kigeugeu. After I got dropped off, I wandered for a little bit and soaked the beauty of this beautiful, gorgeous town until I remember, "hey! I am supposed to be making friends!" So I walked a little bit and rang someone's doorbell. While I was waiting for someone to answer the door for me (well, the fence.. whatever), the next door neighbour walked out. I tried to ask them the question but they said that they are late for work. Then the housekeeper from the house I originally tried came out and well, she doesn't speak english. However, the daughter came out of the house and tried to help me a little bit, tried being the key word here. So I wander a little bit more until I saw a guy and a little girl playing on a fence which makes me think "okay, so they are obviously conversing in english. It won't hurt to ask them, right? At least they can point me to someone who knows." I started talking to them and that just had to be the best decision I ever made!
I asked the son about my questions and he said, "I'm not sure. Let's ask Dad" which confuses me because he said that but wasn't moving anywhere. Suddenly, this really beautiful truck comes out of the driveway (which I thought was a road because it was just..ok, I can't see their house. that long) with two people in it. Dad was obviously busy and on the phone and grunt, "talk to mom." The mother is vey nice, she answered my question and when I asked her about the meeting place she told me that her boys will take me there. In addition, she insisted that I come inside and have some tea and snacks. The house is VERY nice, they are definitely a very well off family. Inside, I met the older brother, Shen, who told me that he has two older brothers and asked if I like the song that was playing on the tv. It was Snoop Dogg and Wiz Khalifa's newest single so of course I said yea. He smiled and disappeared inside so I just played with Karo (the daughter) and Francis (the son I met outside). I played chess with Francis while rapping along to the songs that was playing and he taught me some popular Kenyan rap. He also taught me Kikuyu and all of this happened while Karo (tried) to corn row my (stubborn) hair. She is very animated and she wanted me to draw with her. Karo is a great hip hop dancer at the age of 9 and she was teaching me the "right" way to dance. Yea, me and my asian butt CANNOT shake like that.
My favorite part of the day was the conversation I had with Francis while we were playing chess. His understanding of American lifestyle is from Rap videos and Hollywood movies, where people carry around guns and big stack of money. Our houses are (supposedly) big and opportunity is abundant. He thought anyone who lives in United States can arrange it for other people to get in (not true!). We played with the animals on the backyard. I fed the chicken ad the geese, rode the cow, chased the turkey, and later we hiked a little bit and see the whole Naivasha. Shen came back and drove me to where I was supposed to meet the group. I've had the best day ever :)
Tuesday, January 3, 2012
Holy Crap! I'm Going to Kenya!
So this is going to be my first post on this blog. Sitting in Dulles at the moment and still can't believe I am going to be in Nairobi in approximately.. 19 hours. Oh.. well.. that's still a while. But still! I have been here since 1 pm for one reason or another (ok, the another reason is my dad also had a travel arrangement). It's interesting to see people coming in one by one to this amazingly depressing airport. I have never been to Zurich airport but I heard it's better than Frankfurt. Fingers crossed!
Alrighty, that's it for now. I'll keep you posted!
Alrighty, that's it for now. I'll keep you posted!
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